The UK is accelerating its Islamization at an ever-increasing speed. The desire of the British establishment to submit to Islam appears to be overwhelming.
In a recent report, the Henry Jackson society exposed how the UK used taxpayer funds to support Islamist charities working against British society to the tune of more than six million pounds in 2017 alone. According to the report, “As the case studies in this report are illustrative rather than comprehensive, it is likely that this sum represents only the tip of the iceberg”. The report concludes, “Until more comprehensive action is taken, a network of Islamist extremists operating in the UK will continue to use charities and taxpayer money to fund the spread of divisive, illiberal and intolerant views within our communities”.
Among the charities detailed in the report, are several Islamic charities involved in dawa [outreach, proselytization], such as the Islamic Education and Research Academy (iERA), as well as several charities connected to Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, such as the Muslim Charities Forum (MCF) and Islamic Relief.
Deploying taxpayer money to support Islamic charities is not the only way in which the UK embraces Islamization.
St. Stephen’s Primary School in Newham, London, was recently forced to change its ban on hijabs for girls under the age of eight, even though, in Islam, girls are not obliged to cover themselves before they reach puberty.
Germany’s migrant rape crisis continues unabated. Preliminary statistics show that migrants committed more than a dozen rapes or sexual assaults every day in 2017, a four-fold increase since 2014, the year before Chancellor Angela Merkel allowed into Germany more than a million mostly Muslim male migrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East.
A quarterly report — Criminality in the Context of Migration (Kriminalität im Kontext von Zuwanderung) — published by the Federal Criminal Police Office (Bundeskriminalamt, BKA) showed that migrants (Zuwanderer, defined as asylum seekers, refugees and illegal immigrants) committed 3,466 sex crimes during the first nine months of 2017 — or around 13 a day. (Final crime statistics for 2017 will not be publicly available until the second quarter of 2018.) By comparison, in all of 2016 migrants committed 3,404 sex crimes, or around nine a day; in 2015, 1,683 sex crimes, or around five a day; in 2014, 949 sex crimes, or around three a day; and in 2013, 599 sex crimes, or around two a day.
The actual number of migrant-related sex crimes in Germany, however, is believed to be far higher than the official number. For instance, the BKA data includes only crimes that have been solved (aufgeklärten Straftaten). On average only around half of all crimes committed in Germany in any given year are solved (Aufklärungsquote), according to police statistics.
In its offensive launched on January 20 against Kurdish fighters in northern Syria, Turkey has deployed more than 25,000 Syrian rebel fighters who have been equipped and trained by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s powerful military.
The offensive, code-named Operation Olive Branch, aims at dislodging the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) from the Kurdish enclave of Afrin. On March 18, Turkish military and allied jihadist rebels took control of Afrin’s city center. Turkey views the YPG as an extension of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), an insurgent group that has been fighting for greater Kurdish autonomy in Turkey’s southeast. Backed by the United States, the YPG has been instrumental in the U.S.-led war on terror in Syria since 2014.
Nine days after the start of the operation, the pro-Turkish government website, Suriye Gundemi, published an infographic showing the Syrian rebel groups involved in the Afrin offensive. The website says that three divisions are part of the National Army that is under the command of the Syrian interim government, an anti-Syrian regime body based in Turkey.
This so-called army consists mainly of Islamist militants who were part of the most radical Islamic factions of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) at some point during the Syrian conflict, and was formed only two weeks prior to the Afrin operation. Most of these fighters fled to Turkey after they were defeated in battles across Syria, including in Damascus, Aleppo, Homs, Idlib and Hama. While in Turkey, they were recruited by Turkish intelligence agencies to be part of forces invading the Kurdish-held Afrin.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Monday offered what he said was conclusive evidence that Iran’s regime had brazenly lied about not seeking nuclear weapons, warning at the same time that the 2015 nuclear deal leaves Tehran with “a clear path to an atomic arsenal.”
In a fifteen-minute presentation to Jerusalem-based journalists also broadcast online, Netanyahu unveiled a secret trove of Iranian intelligence recently captured by Israel after it was moved to an underground location in Tehran that, he said, laid bare the true goal of Iran leadership in pursuing the nuclear program.
“Iran’s leaders repeatedly deny ever pursuing nuclear weapons,” an animated Netanyahu announced. “Tonight I’m here to tell you one thing: Iran lied.”
The intelligence — captured on hundreds of printed documents as well as CDs that weighed “half a ton,” Netanyahu declared — has already been shared with the US government. At its heart are revelations about the continuation of “Project Amad” — a covert program that first ran from 1999 to 2003 with the purpose of designing, building a testing nuclear weapons, the Israeli leader said.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: The chemical weapons (CW) possessed and employed by Syria since it undertook to completely get rid of them have become an increasingly tangled web over the past year. This has many ramifications, particularly in light of the recent US-Britain-France raid against Syria.
Irrespective of the practical impact of the recent US-led raid on Syria, the very fact that such raid took place signifies the genuine and uncompromising condemnation by the Western powers of the use of CW by Assad. While limited in scope, the raid was a meticulously coordinated, strategic military operation. Syria’s CW capability remains significant not only because appreciable quantities of CW were hidden, but because it appears that an orderly renewal of CW production was covertly commenced. The full extent of these two Syrian capacities is not known.
More intriguing is the Syrian employment of CW. The concrete mechanism of Assad’s decision-making in relation to the transition from conventional to chemical weapons (CW) is not clear. It can be assumed that he is the authority approving that transition, at least in those cases where sarin was employed (this is not necessarily the case with chlorine).